中国美院跨媒体艺术学院 | 第四届网络社会年会”网民21″

06 Nov 第四届网络社会年会”网民21″ | 讲者简介与讲题预告（上）

Posted at 20:58h in 新闻 by admin

会议时间

2019年

11月22日

11月24日

地点

中国美术学院南山校区南苑报告厅

（拉姆咖啡旁）

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**弗兰克·比弗·布拉迪**
**Franco “Bifo” Berardi**

弗兰克·比弗·布拉迪，1948年生于意大利波隆那，是一位作家、媒体理论家与行动者，目前任教于米兰布雷拉美术学院（Accademia di belle arti di Brera），开设媒体社会史课程。比弗是义大利1970年代自主运动的核心参与者，1975年他创刊一本名为《A/traverso》的实验性刊物，隔年，他在意大利波隆那创立地下电台”Radio Alice”，直至1970年代末流亡巴黎。他在巴黎跟随瓜塔里近身工作，投入”精神分裂分析”（schizoanalysis）领域研究，同时为《Semiotexte》、《Chimerees》、《Metropoli》以及《Musica 80》等多家杂志供稿。他自1990年代起的理论书写关注心理学、信息科技与资本主义之间的关系，近期著作则包括《The Second Coming》（Polity, 2019）、《Breathing: Chaos and Poetry》（The MIT Press, 2019）、《Futurability: The Age of Impotence and the Horizon of Possibility》（Verso, 2017）、《And: Phenomenology of the End》（Autonomedia, 2015）以及《Heroes: Mass Murder and Suicide》（Verso, 2015，有中译本）。

Franco “Bifo” Berardi, born 1948 in Bologna, is a writer, media theorist and activist. He teaches Social History of the Media at the Accademia di Brera, Milan. As one of the promient participants of the Italian Autonomia Movement, he started an experimental zine A/traverso in 1975, and founded the pirate radio station Radio Alice in 1976. At the end of 1970s, like many others involving in the Autonomia, Berardi fled to Paris, where he worked closely with Felix Guattari on schizoanalysis. During the period, he wrote for magzines including Semiotexte(New York),Chimerees(Paris), Metropoli(Rome) and Musica 80(Milan). Since 1990s, his theoretical writings mainly has focus on the relation among psychopathology, information technology and capitalism. His latest books include The Second Coming(Polity, 2019), Breathing: Chaos and Poetry(The MIT Press, 2019), Futurability: The Age of Impotence and the Horizon of Possibility(Verso, 2017), And: Phenomenology of the End(Autonomedia, 2015) and Heroes: Mass Murder and Suicide(Verso, 2015. There are both Traditional and Simplfied Chinese edition of this book.)

汪凯，1970年代生，安徽人。2004年毕业于复旦大学新闻学院，获传播学博士学位。2004年至今任教于浙江大学传媒与国际文化学院，现为副教授。为本科生讲授《新闻编辑》与《新闻道德与法规》，为研究生开设《新闻专业主义与传播法》等课程。个人研究方向为媒介社会学、新媒体与文化。

Wang Kai, born in the 1970s in Anhui Province, China. He graduated from the School of Journalism of Fudan University in 2004 with a doctorate in communication. Since 2004, he has taught at the School of Media and International Culture of Zhejiang University and is now an associate professor. He teaches “News Editing” and “News Ethics and Regulations” for undergraduates, and courses such as “Journalism Professionalism and Communication Law” for graduate students. His recent research direction is media sociology, new media and culture.

中文网络中的戏仿文化：一个简史

The Parody Culture of Chinese Internet: A Brief History

1990年代末，互联网在中国进入到了民用化阶段，几乎从一开始，网络文化就表现出既不同于官方主导文化、也不同于当时商业化媒体的特征，它们更自由、更具参与性与对话性。在早期的BBS时代，插科打诨的网友们就在对话中制造了许多新鲜的语言与视觉表达。戏仿（parody）文化就是其中之一。2005年，《一个馒头引发的血案》作为一个标志性的事件开启了视频恶搞（KuSo）的狂潮。随后，微博（2009）兴起使得社会对话在更广泛的范围内发生，戏仿文化进一步地扩张。

戏仿的兴盛与特定时代的政治空间的性质与特征有关。事实上，戏谑或者尖刻的幽默往往盛行于刚刚走出较为深重的历史灾难、获得了喘息的机会与一定自由表达空间的社会。在这样的社会中，某些旧有的事物依然强有力的存在于当下，但是它内在的合法性已经被强烈的质疑了。在当代中国的网络空间中，戏仿既经常作为特定事件中进行抗争的情感动员手法，也常常是网民释放社会压抑感的一种表达行为，它体现了威廉斯所定义的对抗霸权的”感觉结构”的特征。同时，戏仿的兴盛也隐隐指向了情感与认知上具有某种一致性的共同体的存在（反讽共同体）。

中文网络中，戏仿文化在2005-2012年前后最为兴盛。随着近年来网络生态的变化，多种支持戏仿活跃的结构性因素发生了改变，它们包括：国家主义意识形态的再度兴起以及它带来的更严酷的舆论管控，更具压迫性的宣传攻势，这种新的国家主义的意识形态也得到了相当一部分年轻网民的呼应，网络民族主义便是其重要表征之一；同时在大型互联网公司的推动下，用户下沉策略使得更大规模的小城镇与乡土社会的人群被纳入到网民中，”土味”文化成为近年来中文互联网中最具活力的因素之一。相对于尖锐的、具有抗争性的戏仿，这种来自更广泛基层民众生活的直接、朴素的表达显然更可能得到主导文化的青睐与收编。

In the late 1990s, the Internet entered the stage of civil use in China. From the very beginning, the network culture showed different characteristics from the official dominant culture and the commercial media at that time. They were freer, more participatory and involving more conversation. In the early days of the BBS, the netizens interestingly and hilariously created a lot of fresh new language and visual expression in dialogue. Parody culture is one of them. In 2005, as a landmark event, Bloody Case Caused by a Steamed Bun opened a video spoof (KuSo) craze. Subsequently, the rise of Weibo (2009) made social dialogue happen in a wider range, and the parody culture expand further.

The prosperity of parody is related to the nature and characteristics of the political space of a particular era. In fact, banter or sharp humor is often prevalent in a society that has just passed through a deep historical disaster, getting a chance to breathe and express. In such a society, some old things still exist firmly in the present, but its inherent legitimacy has been strongly questioned. In the cyberspace of contemporary China, parody is often used as a method to mobilize emotion in specific events, and is often an expression of the netizens’ release of social oppression. It embodies “the structure of feelings”, defined by Raymond Williams, that confront with the hegemony. At the same time, the prosperity of parody also faintly points to the existence of a community of emotion and cognition (an ironic community).

In Chinese network, parody culture flourished around 2005-2012. With the changes in the network ecology in recent years, various structural factors that support parody have changed. They include: the resurgence of nationalist ideology and the more rigorous public opinion control it brings, and the more oppressive propaganda. This new nationalist ideology has also been echoed by a considerable number of young netizens, and cyber nationalism is one of its important characterizations. At the same time, driven by large Internet companies, the “user infiltrating strategy”* has involved larger range of people living in small town and local society and turned them into netizens. The “earthy” culture has become one of the most dynamic factors in the Chinese Internet in recent years. Compared to the sharp and rebellious parody, this direct and simple expression of the life from a wider grassroots is obviously more likely to be favored and incorporated by the dominant culture.

* translator’s note: it is a marketing term in Chinese, meaning selling a product which originally targeting at customers who have higher incomes and live in the cities to those who are in the rural villages. This term is usually used in E-commercial field.

滨野智史，1980年生于日本东京，是一位批评家和评论员。他作为网络社会市场研究员投入网络社会与网民研究超过10年，目前已出版《架构的生态系》（2008），以及许多有关日文网络社会的文章书籍与杂志。

Born 1980 in Tokyo, Japan. Critic and commentator. Also worked as a marketing researcher on network society and netizens for over 10 years. Author of the Ecosystem of Architecture (2008), in addition to numerous books/magazines including articles about network society in the Japanese language.

演讲摘要

截至2019年，社交媒体市场被国际上的大型平台公司如（GAFA，Twitter等）所主导。智能手机的普及是一决定性因素，这是因为当每个人都使用相同的设备并下载、安装相同的应用程序时，经济学中的”网络外部性”就扮演了重要角色。现在的社交媒体是一个具有强大营销能力的巨型大数据基础架构，其产业形式与铁路和能源等传统网络行业并没有差异。

我所聚焦的是在此之前的互联网。特别是在日本，正如日本人用自己的商业术语”加拉帕戈斯化”所指称的一样，它与以谷歌和博客为中心的Web 2.0完全不同，而是形成了一种独特的生态系统。我想探究社交媒体政治经济学批判的机会，一种也许曾经可行的社交媒体，所以我将聚焦于两种网络服务，它们都生发于日本，并已在日本大规模发展，然后引领了类似的海外服务的诞生。

第一类：从2chan到4chan。2chan是一个诞生于1999年的匿名的网络公告板。2chan有属于自己的通讯系统”线程浮动”，其设计旨在把那些无聊的话题挑选出来并使其消失，只有新鲜有趣的话题（尤其是激起强烈情感的）始终出现在公告板的前面。匿名性促进了一种文化，这种文化忽略了创作者的版权，复制粘贴有趣的内容，并逐步对其进行修改和扩展。在这种环境中容易长出所谓的”模因”（Richard Dawkins）。

第二类：从niconico到哔哩哔哩。这项服务诞生于2007年，是类似于YouTube和2chan的组合（实际上，它在操作系统上也是如此）。通常在YouTube之类的视频网站上，视频内容和评论区域是分开的。但是在niconico动画中，视频评论会滚动并同步显示在视频播放屏幕上，通常将其称为”弹幕”。这使用户有与其他用户实时同步观看视频的感觉。这种机制被称为”伪同步”，这也有助于将”灵韵”（瓦尔特·本雅明）赋予虚拟明星人声”初音未来”中。

当这些服务出现的时候，我就在想为什么这类如此独特的UI/UX设计服务会生发在日本。我在《架构的生态系》一书中也总结了这样的猜想。之后，随着社交媒体国际广泛性的传播和水平的提高，2chan和niconico在日本不再具有过去的影响力，但现在我对未来很感兴趣。未来会不会有一个颠覆传统、完全不同于现有平台的模式（不仅生发于日本而且也生发于中国这样的大国）？2020年之后，后智能手机时代可能会到来。我并不知道它是可穿戴的智能扬声器还是xR（VR，AR，MR）这样的新型设备。我也在猜想，未来是否会出现一种可以撼动现有平台行业的现象？

As of 2019, the social media market is dominated by huge platform companies internationally (GAFA, Twitter, and so on). The spread of smartphones has made the situation decisive. This is because the “network externality” of economists plays a big role when everyone uses the same device and downloads and installs the same apps. Social media is now a huge big data infrastructure with great marketing capabilities, and its industrial form is no different from traditional network industries such as railways and energy.

What I want to focus on is the Internet before this happened. In particular, in Japan, as the Japanese themselves called “galapagosization” in business jargon, a unique ecosystem was developed that was completely different from Web 2.0 centered on Google and Blog. I would like to see the opportunity of Political Economy Criticism of Social Media, an alternative Social Media that might have been possible. So I will focus on two network services. Both are born in Japan, have grown at a mass level in Japan, and led to the birth of similar overseas services.

i. 2chan (2channel, 2ちゃんねる) >>> 4chan, Anonymous. 2chan is an anonymous bulletin board born in 1999. With its own communication system called thread-float, 2chan was designed so that boring topics were selected and disappeared, and only fresh and interesting topics (especially flames) were always on the front. Anonymity fostered a culture that ignored the creators’ copyrights, copied and pasted the interesting ones, and gradually modified and expanded them. This is an environment where so-called “memes” (Richard Dawkins) are easy to breed.

ii. niconico douga (ニコニコ動画) >>> bilibili (哔哩哔哩). This is a service that was born in 2007 and is a combination of YouTube and 2chan (actually it was operated in that way on the system as well). Usually, on video sites like YouTube, the video content and comment display areas are separated. However, in niconico douga, as it is commonly called “barrage”, comments on the video are scrolled and displayed on the video playback screen. This gives you the feeling of watching the video in sync with other users in real-time. This mechanism, which I named “pseudo-synchronization”, contributed to giving “Aura” (Walter Benjamin) to a virtual star-like Vocaloid “Hatsune Miku”.

When these services appeared, I was wondering why such unique UI / UX design services were born in Japan. My book Ecosysytem of Architecture summed up the discussion. Later, with the international spread and leveling of social media, in Japan, 2chan and niconico no longer have the same influence as before, but now I am interested in the future. Will there be an evolutionary path different from these existing platforms (not only from Japan but from a major power like China)? After 2020, the post-smartphone era will probably come. I don’t know if it is a wearable, smart speaker, or xR (VR, AR, MR) device. Will there be a phenomenon that will shake the current platform industry?

克里夫·V· 阿圭耶斯是澳大利亚国立大学克罗贝尔亚太事务学院政治与社会变革系博士候选人，他的研究触及东南亚的选举、民主、数字公民权与民粹主义。在进入澳大利亚国立大学之前，他是马尼拉菲律宾大学的副教授及政治学程的召集人。

Cleve V. Arguelles (@CleveArguelles) researches on election, democracy, digital citizenship and populism in Southeast Asia. He is PhD candidate at the department of political and social change at the Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs of the Australian National University. Prior to joining ANU, he is assistant professor and head of political science program at the University of the Philippines in Manila.

青年是否正在虚度青春？东南亚年轻一代数字公民的新兴政治

Is youth really wasted on the young? Emerging politics of digital citizenship among young Southeast Asians

千禧一代在政治上冷漠吗？取径对东南亚青年多元的数字公民实践的数字民族志研究，本演讲将提出另一种理解当代东南亚青年表面上的政治冷漠的途径。论文采取代际视角，指出由于不同的社会、经济和政治时机塑造了他们的政治倾向，青年的政治想当然会有所不同并导致误解。用以往几代人的经验标准来衡量千禧一代的政治参与水平是无效的。我们在东南亚年轻人中看到的是对新颖、创造性和破坏性的公民参与形式的热情，这些形式尚未被人们视为同等重要和具政治意义的，尤其是对于他们创新地使用各种社交媒体平台来创造政治参与空间的情况。我认为这样的数字公民实践，或者说以生产与消费数字内容来创造和介入社会之手段，如我在本演讲中将展示的正是这种东南亚年轻人间的新兴政治形式。

Are millennials politically apathetic? Drawing from a digital ethnography of the varied practices of digital citizenship among young Southeast Asians, this presentation argues for an alternative approach to understanding the seeming “political apathy” among contemporary Southeast Asian youth. Using a generational lens, this paper argues that the politics of the youth of today is expectedly different and misrecognized because of differing social, economic, and political moments that have shaped their political dispositions. To measure millennials against standards of political participation derived from the experiences of previous generations is unproductive. Rather, what we are seeing among young Southeast Asians is an enthusiasm in novel, creative and disruptive forms of civic engagement that have yet to be appreciated as equally significant and political. This is especially true for their innovative use of a range of social media platforms to create spaces for political engagement. I consider this the practice of digital citizenship, or the production and consumption of digital contents as a means to create and engage in the social world, in which I demonstrate in this presentation is an emerging form of politics among young Southeast Asians.

尼尚特·沙博士是一位女性主义者、人道主义者、技术专家，目前担任荷兰阿尔特兹艺术学院副研究院主席。他是Hivos数字地球研究员项目，以及进步传播协会中女性主义网络研究网的知识合作伙伴。他目前投入的工作是通过”技术-美学(aesthetechs)”的框架中来了解错误信息、虚假伪造和暴力伤害的不同状态，以便找到公民行动的新途径。

Dr. Nishant Shah is a feminist, humanist, technologist and is currently the vice-president of Research at the ArtEZ University of the Arts, The Netherlands. He works as a knowledge Partner with The Digital Earth fellowship with Hivos, and with the Feminist Internet Research Network with the Association of Progressive Communication. His ongoing work is invested in understanding the state of misinformation, fakeness, and violence through the frame of techno-aesthetics “aesthetechs” in order to find new processes of civic action.

人性未满：人性的数字未来

Not Quite Human Enough: Digital Futures of Being Human

（远程视频）

数字化所承诺的是超越人类本身——通过极端化细节的晶体数据集使人类分子化，或者形成超越人类想象力和信息处理能力的地理-时间模式。随着数字技术的普及，”超越人类”的承诺开始塑造”成为人类”的条件。随着数字化不仅成为我们的默认工具集，也是未来的批判本体论，我们将到达一个不得不停止思考赛博格、机器人与后人类的时刻，事实上，我们该试图思考的是数字化行为与实际经验之间交织的关系。本演讲从后殖民话语、女权主义理论、技术历史和数字文化中汲取灵感，以思考当前数字技术发展所预言的对人类的新校准。演讲将通过塑造人类的四个症状时刻，特别强调人体作为技术社会的建构，预见数字化的未来将不再那么人性，并且涉及能动性、权利、保护与正义等议题。

The promise of the digital was to go beyond the human – either through a molecularization of the human through crystalized data-sets of extreme minutiae, or through forming geo-temporal patterns that exceed both human imagination and capacity for information processing. As digital technologies become more ubiquitous, the promise of “beyond human” starts shaping the condition of “being human”. With the digital becoming not just our default toolset but also our critical ontology of the future, we are at a point where we will have to stop thinking about the cyborg, the android, the post-human and in fact try and think about the intertwined relationships between acts of digital and facts of lived experience. Drawing from the postcolonial discourse, feminist theory, history of technology, and digital cultures, this talk proposes to think about the new calibrations of being human that the current developments in digital technologies foretell. Particularly emphasizing the human body as a technosocial construct, through four symptomatic moments of the shaping of the human, it foresees a digital future that will be not quite human enough and its implications on questions of agency, rights, protection, and justice.