06 Nov 第四届网络社会年会”网民21″ | 讲者简介与讲题预告（上）
弗兰克·比弗·布拉迪，1948年生于意大利波隆那，是一位作家、媒体理论家与行动者，目前任教于米兰布雷拉美术学院（Accademia di belle arti di Brera），开设媒体社会史课程。比弗是义大利1970年代自主运动的核心参与者，1975年他创刊一本名为《A/traverso》的实验性刊物，隔年，他在意大利波隆那创立地下电台”Radio Alice”，直至1970年代末流亡巴黎。他在巴黎跟随瓜塔里近身工作，投入”精神分裂分析”（schizoanalysis）领域研究，同时为《Semiotexte》、《Chimerees》、《Metropoli》以及《Musica 80》等多家杂志供稿。他自1990年代起的理论书写关注心理学、信息科技与资本主义之间的关系，近期著作则包括《The Second Coming》（Polity, 2019）、《Breathing: Chaos and Poetry》（The MIT Press, 2019）、《Futurability: The Age of Impotence and the Horizon of Possibility》（Verso, 2017）、《And: Phenomenology of the End》（Autonomedia, 2015）以及《Heroes: Mass Murder and Suicide》（Verso, 2015，有中译本）。
Franco “Bifo” Berardi, born 1948 in Bologna, is a writer, media theorist and activist. He teaches Social History of the Media at the Accademia di Brera, Milan. As one of the promient participants of the Italian Autonomia Movement, he started an experimental zine A/traverso in 1975, and founded the pirate radio station Radio Alice in 1976. At the end of 1970s, like many others involving in the Autonomia, Berardi fled to Paris, where he worked closely with Felix Guattari on schizoanalysis. During the period, he wrote for magzines including Semiotexte(New York),Chimerees(Paris), Metropoli(Rome) and Musica 80(Milan). Since 1990s, his theoretical writings mainly has focus on the relation among psychopathology, information technology and capitalism. His latest books include The Second Coming(Polity, 2019), Breathing: Chaos and Poetry(The MIT Press, 2019), Futurability: The Age of Impotence and the Horizon of Possibility(Verso, 2017), And: Phenomenology of the End(Autonomedia, 2015) and Heroes: Mass Murder and Suicide(Verso, 2015. There are both Traditional and Simplfied Chinese edition of this book.)
Wang Kai, born in the 1970s in Anhui Province, China. He graduated from the School of Journalism of Fudan University in 2004 with a doctorate in communication. Since 2004, he has taught at the School of Media and International Culture of Zhejiang University and is now an associate professor. He teaches “News Editing” and “News Ethics and Regulations” for undergraduates, and courses such as “Journalism Professionalism and Communication Law” for graduate students. His recent research direction is media sociology, new media and culture.
The Parody Culture of Chinese Internet: A Brief History
In the late 1990s, the Internet entered the stage of civil use in China. From the very beginning, the network culture showed different characteristics from the official dominant culture and the commercial media at that time. They were freer, more participatory and involving more conversation. In the early days of the BBS, the netizens interestingly and hilariously created a lot of fresh new language and visual expression in dialogue. Parody culture is one of them. In 2005, as a landmark event, Bloody Case Caused by a Steamed Bun opened a video spoof (KuSo) craze. Subsequently, the rise of Weibo (2009) made social dialogue happen in a wider range, and the parody culture expand further.
The prosperity of parody is related to the nature and characteristics of the political space of a particular era. In fact, banter or sharp humor is often prevalent in a society that has just passed through a deep historical disaster, getting a chance to breathe and express. In such a society, some old things still exist firmly in the present, but its inherent legitimacy has been strongly questioned. In the cyberspace of contemporary China, parody is often used as a method to mobilize emotion in specific events, and is often an expression of the netizens’ release of social oppression. It embodies “the structure of feelings”, defined by Raymond Williams, that confront with the hegemony. At the same time, the prosperity of parody also faintly points to the existence of a community of emotion and cognition (an ironic community).
In Chinese network, parody culture flourished around 2005-2012. With the changes in the network ecology in recent years, various structural factors that support parody have changed. They include: the resurgence of nationalist ideology and the more rigorous public opinion control it brings, and the more oppressive propaganda. This new nationalist ideology has also been echoed by a considerable number of young netizens, and cyber nationalism is one of its important characterizations. At the same time, driven by large Internet companies, the “user infiltrating strategy”* has involved larger range of people living in small town and local society and turned them into netizens. The “earthy” culture has become one of the most dynamic factors in the Chinese Internet in recent years. Compared to the sharp and rebellious parody, this direct and simple expression of the life from a wider grassroots is obviously more likely to be favored and incorporated by the dominant culture.
* translator’s note: it is a marketing term in Chinese, meaning selling a product which originally targeting at customers who have higher incomes and live in the cities to those who are in the rural villages. This term is usually used in E-commercial field.
Born 1980 in Tokyo, Japan. Critic and commentator. Also worked as a marketing researcher on network society and netizens for over 10 years. Author of the Ecosystem of Architecture (2008), in addition to numerous books/magazines including articles about network society in the Japanese language.
截至2019年，社交媒体市场被国际上的大型平台公司如（GAFA，Twitter等）所主导。 智能手机的普及是一决定性因素，这是因为当每个人都使用相同的设备并下载、安装相同的应用程序时，经济学中的”网络外部性”就扮演了重要角色。 现在的社交媒体是一个具有强大营销能力的巨型大数据基础架构，其产业形式与铁路和能源等传统网络行业并没有差异。
我所聚焦的是在此之前的互联网。 特别是在日本，正如日本人用自己的商业术语”加拉帕戈斯化”所指称的一样，它与以谷歌和博客为中心的Web 2.0完全不同，而是形成了一种独特的生态系统。 我想探究社交媒体政治经济学批判的机会，一种也许曾经可行的社交媒体，所以我将聚焦于两种网络服务，它们都生发于日本，并已在日本大规模发展，然后引领了类似的海外服务的诞生。
第一类：从2chan到4chan。2chan是一个诞生于1999年的匿名的网络公告板。2chan有属于自己的通讯系统”线程浮动”，其设计旨在把那些无聊的话题挑选出来并使其消失，只有新鲜有趣的话题（尤其是激起强烈情感的）始终出现在公告板的前面。 匿名性促进了一种文化，这种文化忽略了创作者的版权，复制粘贴有趣的内容，并逐步对其进行修改和扩展。 在这种环境中容易长出所谓的”模因”（Richard Dawkins）。
第二类：从niconico到哔哩哔哩。这项服务诞生于2007年，是类似于YouTube和2chan的组合（实际上，它在操作系统上也是如此）。 通常在YouTube之类的视频网站上，视频内容和评论区域是分开的。 但是在niconico动画中，视频评论会滚动并同步显示在视频播放屏幕上，通常将其称为”弹幕”。 这使用户有与其他用户实时同步观看视频的感觉。 这种机制被称为”伪同步”，这也有助于将”灵韵”（瓦尔特·本雅明）赋予虚拟明星人声”初音未来”中。
当这些服务出现的时候，我就在想为什么这类如此独特的UI/UX设计服务会生发在日本。我在《架构的生态系》一书中也总结了这样的猜想。 之后，随着社交媒体国际广泛性的传播和水平的提高，2chan和niconico在日本不再具有过去的影响力，但现在我对未来很感兴趣。未来会不会有一个颠覆传统、完全不同于现有平台的模式（不仅生发于日本而且也生发于中国这样的大国）？2020年之后，后智能手机时代可能会到来。我并不知道它是可穿戴的智能扬声器还是xR（VR，AR，MR）这样的新型设备。 我也在猜想，未来是否会出现一种可以撼动现有平台行业的现象？
As of 2019, the social media market is dominated by huge platform companies internationally (GAFA, Twitter, and so on). The spread of smartphones has made the situation decisive. This is because the “network externality” of economists plays a big role when everyone uses the same device and downloads and installs the same apps. Social media is now a huge big data infrastructure with great marketing capabilities, and its industrial form is no different from traditional network industries such as railways and energy.
What I want to focus on is the Internet before this happened. In particular, in Japan, as the Japanese themselves called “galapagosization” in business jargon, a unique ecosystem was developed that was completely different from Web 2.0 centered on Google and Blog. I would like to see the opportunity of Political Economy Criticism of Social Media, an alternative Social Media that might have been possible. So I will focus on two network services. Both are born in Japan, have grown at a mass level in Japan, and led to the birth of similar overseas services.
i. 2chan (2channel, 2ちゃんねる) >>> 4chan, Anonymous. 2chan is an anonymous bulletin board born in 1999. With its own communication system called thread-float, 2chan was designed so that boring topics were selected and disappeared, and only fresh and interesting topics (especially flames) were always on the front. Anonymity fostered a culture that ignored the creators’ copyrights, copied and pasted the interesting ones, and gradually modified and expanded them. This is an environment where so-called “memes” (Richard Dawkins) are easy to breed.
ii. niconico douga (ニコニコ動画) >>> bilibili (哔哩哔哩). This is a service that was born in 2007 and is a combination of YouTube and 2chan (actually it was operated in that way on the system as well). Usually, on video sites like YouTube, the video content and comment display areas are separated. However, in niconico douga, as it is commonly called “barrage”, comments on the video are scrolled and displayed on the video playback screen. This gives you the feeling of watching the video in sync with other users in real-time. This mechanism, which I named “pseudo-synchronization”, contributed to giving “Aura” (Walter Benjamin) to a virtual star-like Vocaloid “Hatsune Miku”.
When these services appeared, I was wondering why such unique UI / UX design services were born in Japan. My book Ecosysytem of Architecture summed up the discussion. Later, with the international spread and leveling of social media, in Japan, 2chan and niconico no longer have the same influence as before, but now I am interested in the future. Will there be an evolutionary path different from these existing platforms (not only from Japan but from a major power like China)? After 2020, the post-smartphone era will probably come. I don’t know if it is a wearable, smart speaker, or xR (VR, AR, MR) device. Will there be a phenomenon that will shake the current platform industry?
Cleve V. Arguelles (@CleveArguelles) researches on election, democracy, digital citizenship and populism in Southeast Asia. He is PhD candidate at the department of political and social change at the Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs of the Australian National University. Prior to joining ANU, he is assistant professor and head of political science program at the University of the Philippines in Manila.
Is youth really wasted on the young? Emerging politics of digital citizenship among young Southeast Asians
Are millennials politically apathetic? Drawing from a digital ethnography of the varied practices of digital citizenship among young Southeast Asians, this presentation argues for an alternative approach to understanding the seeming “political apathy” among contemporary Southeast Asian youth. Using a generational lens, this paper argues that the politics of the youth of today is expectedly different and misrecognized because of differing social, economic, and political moments that have shaped their political dispositions. To measure millennials against standards of political participation derived from the experiences of previous generations is unproductive. Rather, what we are seeing among young Southeast Asians is an enthusiasm in novel, creative and disruptive forms of civic engagement that have yet to be appreciated as equally significant and political. This is especially true for their innovative use of a range of social media platforms to create spaces for political engagement. I consider this the practice of digital citizenship, or the production and consumption of digital contents as a means to create and engage in the social world, in which I demonstrate in this presentation is an emerging form of politics among young Southeast Asians.
Dr. Nishant Shah is a feminist, humanist, technologist and is currently the vice-president of Research at the ArtEZ University of the Arts, The Netherlands. He works as a knowledge Partner with The Digital Earth fellowship with Hivos, and with the Feminist Internet Research Network with the Association of Progressive Communication. His ongoing work is invested in understanding the state of misinformation, fakeness, and violence through the frame of techno-aesthetics “aesthetechs” in order to find new processes of civic action.
Not Quite Human Enough: Digital Futures of Being Human
The promise of the digital was to go beyond the human – either through a molecularization of the human through crystalized data-sets of extreme minutiae, or through forming geo-temporal patterns that exceed both human imagination and capacity for information processing. As digital technologies become more ubiquitous, the promise of “beyond human” starts shaping the condition of “being human”. With the digital becoming not just our default toolset but also our critical ontology of the future, we are at a point where we will have to stop thinking about the cyborg, the android, the post-human and in fact try and think about the intertwined relationships between acts of digital and facts of lived experience. Drawing from the postcolonial discourse, feminist theory, history of technology, and digital cultures, this talk proposes to think about the new calibrations of being human that the current developments in digital technologies foretell. Particularly emphasizing the human body as a technosocial construct, through four symptomatic moments of the shaping of the human, it foresees a digital future that will be not quite human enough and its implications on questions of agency, rights, protection, and justice.